the philippine revolution by apolinario mabini

The frustrated Andres Bonifacio was wont to say when he was still alive that we should fear no one except History, and indeed History is implacable in doing justice, and its judgment is terrible against the offender. Apprehending that war was inevitable, I limited my efforts to preventing the aggression from coming from our side, convinced that our weakness could not justify any provocation. At such times as they had occasion to visit the capital, well-to-do and educated persons from distant provinces were also wont to give their help. It is a pity that a biography of Mabini, however brief, should not be available with his “exemplary history” of the Revolution to whose spirit and substance he gave such significant shape. Once in a while an outstanding liberal, weary of waiting for his party’s turn in power, would raise the kite of vague promises which, once he had in his hands the cabinet portfolio he coveted, he tried to forget. Like fellow Philippine revolutionaries Jose Rizal and Andres Bonifacio, lawyer Apolinario Mabini, the first prime minister of the Philippines, did not live to see his 40th birthday but became known as the brains and conscience of the revolution that would permanently alter the Philippines' government. But such a task is beyond my abilities. Because he thus neglected the people, the people forsook him; and forsaken by the people, he was bound to fall like a waxen idol melting in the heat of adversity. The book contains various other scenes from Philippine life as it actually was which are arranged artistically in the novel to give unity of time and place and heighten the interest of the reader. The Spanish-American War brought Spain’s rule in the Philippines to a close in 1898 but precipitated the Philippine-American War, a bloody war between Filipino revolutionaries and the U.S. Army. Faced with this state of affairs, all those Filipinos concerned with the future of their country could not remain indifferent. Of those few Filipinos who had enough financial resources to study in Manila, the majority studied for the priesthood because the friars looked askance at lawyers while priests were held in high esteem by the natives. Via Wikipedia. As the Spanish systematically routed the. Political Revolution and Evolution; II. The work’s second volume, entitled “El Filibusterismo”, continues the story: Ibarra had escaped abroad where he had grown wealthy from trade; moving on to Cuba, as a jeweller, he had won the friendship of the governor general of the island with expensive gifts, and lent him the money needed to secure from the Ministry a transfer to the Philippines, where the governorship was more lucrative. He drafted decrees and proposed a constitution for the Philippine Republic. A Filipino, to whom Ibarra confided his plans, was so horrified by the proposed crime that he frustrated it, and this led to the discovery of the plot. Thus the country was in effect in a permanent state of war, although peace had reigned everywhere for three centuries. Such provocation was, of course, childish but, for that very reason, rash in the extreme. 9th May 1969 It was sought to stifle the echoes, already much weakened by distance and the difficulty of communications, of the revolutions in the United Colonies of America against England, in France, and in the Spanish American colonies, that they might not awaken the Filipinos from their long sleep, already shaken by frightening nightmares. Although I was counselling accomodation to both sides so as to arrive at a compromise, the only foundation of a true peace, I was pronounced intransigent and as such was deported to Guam, where I was held prisoner incommunicado for more than two years. Mr Aguinaldo believed that one can serve his country with honour and glory only from high office, and this is an error which is very dangerous to the common welfare; it is the principal cause of the civil wars which impoverish and exhaust many states and contributed greatly to the failure of the Revolution. Then, on the 9th February 1903 the commanding officer of the prison camp handed me a letter from the governor, advising me that I was free to go anywhere except the Philippines, whither I could not return without taking the oath of allegiance. Spanish Rule in the Philippines Before the Opening of the Suez Canal; III. Their concealment, moreover, would encourage evil-doers, while their exposure teaches us useful lessons. Under this proposal the Philippines can be neither a territory nor a state because it should not be permanently annexed to the United States, but, as property bought by the United States, the latter can dispose of the Philippines at its discretion, that is to say, without the limitations of its Constitution. The members paid their dues at first; later they stopped doing so on the pretext that they did not agree with the society’s objectives because the Spanish government paid no attention to the periodical nor in fact would do so to any lawful activity. Shortly afterward, in another article published in La Fraternidad, I repeated this hint more explicitly and clearly, comparing him with Mr Kruger. All my efforts failed because the Treaty of Paris, concluded on the 10th December the previous year, had vested in the Congress of the United States the authority to determine the civil rights and the political status of the Filipinos, and Congress — according to the emphatic assurances of General Otis — would not exercise that authority so long as the Filipinos were up in arms. A mayor was not the leader of his community but only the servant of the town’s parish priest and constabulary commanding officer. The foregoing extract from his works shows that Rizal made it his purpose to give, in particular, two pieces of advice which might serve as warnings not only to the Spaniards but also to the Filipinos. Those who were in favour of keeping up the fortnightly publication formed one group, called the Compromisarios, because each one engaged to pay a monthly contribution of five pesos to meet its expenses. Like fellow Philippine revolutionaries Jose Rizal and Andres Bonifacio, lawyer Apolinario Mabini, the first prime minister of the Philippines, did not live to see his 40th birthday but became known as the brains and conscience of the revolution that would permanently alter the Philippines' government. All of Luna’s acts revealed integrity and patriotism combined with a zealous activity that measured up to the situation. Many Filipino military commanders were of the opinion that this behaviour was sufficient cause for the opening of hostilities against the Americans, but I advised Mr Aguinaldo to try to avoid the conflict at all costs because otherwise we would be facing two enemies, and the most likely result would be the partition of the islands between them. He formulated the principles of a democratic popular government, endowing the historical struggles of the Filipino people with a coherent ideological orientation. This congress would not have legislative functions because the state of war required a concentration of powers necessary for swift action, but I considered its creation indispensable so that the provinces should not distrust the dictatorial authority of Mr Aguinaldo. The first results of this assembly’s deliberations were the ratification of the proclamation of independence prematurely made in Kawit, and the decision to draft a constitution for the establishment of a Philippine Republic. A powerful foreign government determined to impose its authority by force, without regard for the aspirations of the conquered people, can, of course, subjugate them, but such a government will be able to escape uprisings only after utterly extinguishing all the energies of the people in the course of long and sanguinary struggles. But many commanders, jealous of their authority, withheld from him the effective cooperation that was necessary. Mr Aguinaldo was in Tarlac taking over command of the forces which the deceased had organized. As viceregal patron he appointed all parish priests and other ecclesiastical employees. Philippine Revolution, (1896–98), Filipino independence struggle that, after more than 300 years of Spanish colonial rule, exposed the weakness of Spanish administration but failed to evict Spaniards from the islands. Moreover, it must be admitted that the Filipino forces stationed around Manila were not prepared for an attack that night: General Ricarte, in command of the detachments in the south, and General San Miguel, commander of the eastern zone where the attack began, were then in Malolos. This Englishing of Apolinario Mabini’s “La Revolucion Filipina”, commissioned by the National Historical Commission, was done in a little more than a week following May Day 1969 under great pressure of time and official business, and may have suffered in consequence. I admit that the Americans have proved their competence and capacity for democratic government, but an absolutist regime is totally different and cannot be practised in the United States because it is contrary to the character and customs of the American people. I was imprisoned by the Spaniards in October of that year, and released in June the following year. Little accustomed to war, the Filipino commanders and officers hardly appreciated the value of military instruction and discipline so that the emplacements were not served with anything approaching order and precision. These authorities lent him their support, but, at the laying of the cornerstone of the school, only Elias saved him by a miracle from certain death. I proposed a scheme reorganizing the provinces and towns in the most democratic form possible in the circumstances and, with Mr Aguinaldo’s approval, it was carried out without loss of time. Such cruelties could do no less than arouse general indignation, and, rather than suffer them, the rebels preferred to die fighting even though armed only with bolos. Known for his powerful intellect, political savvy, and eloquence, Mabini was called the brains and conscience of the revolution. During the 19th century, however, an educated Filipino middle class emerged and with it a desire for Philippine independence. He was assisted in his multiple functions, although with more independence and greater powers than ordinary secretaries, by the director general of the public treasury, in affairs pertaining to this field; the director general of civil administration, in affairs pertaining to police, public works, communications, agriculture, industry, commerce, mines, forests, public instruction and others; and by the deputy commander-in-chief in military matters. From the day Rizal understood the misfortunes of his native land and decided to work to redress them, his vivid imagination never ceased to picture to him at every moment of his life the terrors of the death that awaited him; thus he learned not to fear it, and had no fear when it came to take him away; the life of Rizal, from the time he dedicated it to the service of his native land, was therefore a continuing death, bravely endured until the end for love of his countrymen. How? Did the Spaniards know how to profit by this advice to them? How shall we get foreigners to respect our women when we ourselves set the example of offending them? The awakening was painful, and working to stay alive more painful still, but one must live. As a general rule citizens prefer to wait because it serves their own convenience and because those turbulent souls who seek in rebellions their personal advancement do not dare raise their heads until the people are frustrated in their aspirations. Not only have the United States assured us that this union is the most certain guarantee of our, happiness but, by making themselves the arbiter of our fate, they have compelled us perforce to think it so. The study of the Philippine political revolution should determine whether or not the considerations I have set forth are worthwhile. Any agitation promoted by a particular class for the benefit of its special interests does not deserve the name (of political revolution or evolution). The same tenacity with which I defended our natural rights during the war is now called for by the conviction that the recognition of those rights by the United States constitutes the surest guarantee of peace and the most trustworthy safeguard against future insurrections. The evil would lie in concealing them, and in their discovery and exposure by a stranger, not to put us right but to sully our name. 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